For several weeks now in Egypt huge demonstrations have been held in most major cities, notably in Cairo, in what some have dubbed “Tahrir II,” in reference to the last winter uprising. The current movement is characterized by a deep discontent at the lack of political and social change in the country despite promises made a few months ago by the officials of the regime. The toppling of former president Mubarak in February had sown the seeds of hope and joy among the masses. But this joy was short-lived.

The popular masses soon realized that the efforts and sacrifices they made during the protest movement were disregarded by those associated with the former dictator —that is to say, the bourgeoisie and the military caste – who favour the status quo. At most, they agreed to let the people choose through a sham election who will govern on behalf of the ruling class.

The three-phase electoral process announced after the events of last February by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, who took over from Mubarak, began two weeks ago and will run until January 2012 for the Lower House, and until next March for the Shura Council (the upper house).

With strict rules and regulations, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces will keep the upper hand in appointing the next government’s key ministers. The traditional ruling class made sure to maintain control over the State apparatus and safeguard its privileges. It spares no cost to maintain the capitalist system that prevailed during the corrupt Mubarak era. Despite a facade of renewal, the ruling class is not ready to lose anything and it will not hesitate to use its repressive apparatus, as we have seen in recent days, with the army and police killing at least 30 protesters.

With an official voter turnout of 62% (a figure which many think is an overestimate) and with opposition parties fully integrated into the bourgeois system, the legitimate frustrations of the masses exploded in the street.

The Muslim Brotherhood and other religious parties that the media suggest are the most organized have never questioned the economic relations nor defended the interests of the toiling masses. Yet these are the ones who were the real actors in the protest movement against widespread poverty and inequality that shook the regime and sent Mubarak to trial.

By working with the army in the transitional government after the departure of Mubarak and by pursuing their electoral strategies and petty calculations, the religious parties in fact departed from the street. They have not hesitated to concoct corny excuses for their failure to participate in the various demonstrations that have mobilized hundreds of thousands of people who were not fooled by their opportunistic dealings.

Several positive elements have emerged from the many actions that have been taking place for almost a year, when the first large-scale protests emerged in Egypt following the uprising of the Tunisian people. The fact that the masses were able to shake a system that kept them tightly oppressed for so long and that they have rejected the cosmetic changes that followed speaks volumes about the depth of the movement.

The current movement seems to have reached its limits in the sense that the possibility of a generalized reformation of the system seems very limited, to say the least. It remains to be seen whether the most advanced among the proletariat and the popular masses will organize themselves into a genuinely revolutionary party capable of giving the perspectives the current movement requires in order to overcome these limitations.

We must show solidarity with the Egyptian people and support their struggle for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the construction of popular power.